The Unending Trauma: A Crisis of Statelessness, Fatigue, and Futility for Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh
The Unending Trauma: A Crisis of Statelessness,
Fatigue, and Futility for Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh
Tahir
Ali Shah
Executive
Summary: The Protracted Catastrophe and Policy Imperatives
The displacement of over one million Rohingya from Myanmar to Bangladesh represents one of the most severe and prolonged cases of mass statelessness in modern history. Seven years after the genocidal campaign of 2017, the crisis is marked by a deep-rooted humanitarian, psychological, and geopolitical stalemate. The refugee population, concentrated in overcrowded camps in Cox’s Bazar, finds itself in a triple bind of systemic failures: ongoing psychological trauma, the damaging effects of global funding neglect, and a complete geopolitical and security deadlock that hinders any meaningful progress toward safe repatriation or dignified integration.
The core cause of the current crisis is the deliberate creation of statelessness through Myanmar’s 1982 Citizenship Law. In Bangladesh, refugees continue to face persecution in camp life, where high rates of depression and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) are directly linked to severe stressors experienced after their displacement. These stressors are exacerbated by critical denials of basic rights, such as access to education and employment, due to Bangladesh’s status as a non-signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention.
A
significant factor contributing to the crisis today is global funding neglect.
Cuts to food rations by the World Food Programme (WFP) and the threat to
education for 230,000 children highlight this funding gap. This financial
crisis fuels protection failures, leading to predictable increases in
trafficking, child labor, and forced marriage. Furthermore, the path to
voluntary repatriation remains entirely blocked. In Myanmar’s Rakhine State,
the security situation has deteriorated under the influence of the Arakan Army
(AA), which perpetuates the systemic persecution policies of the military,
while international pressure is mitigated by China and ASEAN’s firm stance on
non-interference.
I. A
History Forged in Exclusion: The Architecture of Statelessness
1.1. The
Colonial Legacy and Post-Independence Betrayal
The
crisis of Rohingya statelessness is not an ancient condition but is deeply
rooted in the colonial and postcolonial history of Myanmar. The Rohingya,
who have lived for centuries in what is now Rakhine (formerly Arakan) State,
experienced a brief period of recognition following Myanmar's independence in
1948. At that time, the Union of Burma initially recognized the Rohingya as an
ethnic group of Burma and granted them citizenship. This historical
acknowledgement of their belonging is crucial for understanding the current
policy debates, as it affirms that their current statelessness is a forced
legal condition, intentionally imposed, rather than a natural, long-standing
one.
However,
this early recognition was systematically challenged. Exclusion was gradually
carried out under subsequent constitutional changes, paving the way for
eventual mass disenfranchisement. The Union of Burma’s recognition was
quickly replaced by decades of increasing prejudice and
persecution.
1.2. The
Weaponization of Law: Myanmar’s 1982 Citizenship Act
The ultimate
step in the legal erasure of the Rohingya was the enactment of the 1982
Citizenship Law. This legislation officially designated the Rohingya as
stateless, refusing to recognize their ethnic identity and eliminating all
legal paths to citizenship. The law identified 135 ethnic groups for
citizenship but systematically excluded the Rohingya, despite evidence that they had
been living in the area for generations. Myanmar systematically denies the
population legal status under its domestic citizenship regimes, meeting the
precise international definition of statelessness.
This
denial of national identity is understood by legal experts as far more than
mere discrimination. The 1982 Law provided the foundation for mass persecution,
acting as both a "tool and a precursor of identity-based
destruction". The international community must hold Myanmar
accountable for this act, which constitutes both an element of genocide and a
crime against humanity. This legal disenfranchisement is devastating, as
it strips the population of access to fundamental human rights such as legal
identity, education, healthcare, and employment, setting the stage for the
persecution and violence that followed decades later. The legal mechanism
of statelessness, instituted decades ago, remains the primary political tool
used by Myanmar. By successfully denying the Rohingya their identity and
national belonging, the government minimized international scrutiny and legal
obligations before the 2017 violence, and, critically, this legal non-existence
actively prevents any meaningful, safe return today.
Table 1:
Historical Timeline: The Legal Architecture of Statelessness
|
Year/Period |
Event/Legislation |
Impact on Rohingya Status |
|
Post-1948
Independence |
Union
of Burma formed |
Rohingya
initially recognized as an ethnic group and granted citizenship |
|
1982 |
Citizenship
Law Enactment |
Systematically
denied citizenship rights; established stateless status by law. |
|
August
2017 |
"Operation
Clearance" (Genocidal Campaign) |
Forced
displacement of over 750,000 Rohingya, defined as a crime against
humanity |
1.3. The
2017 Genocide: The Defining Displacement Event
Following
reported attacks by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) on police and
army posts, the Myanmar military launched a genocidal response in August
2017. This "Operation Clearance" involved a scorched earth
campaign characterized by systematic rape, murder, burning of entire villages,
and torture of civilians. In response, over 750,000 Rohingya fled across
the border to Bangladesh in search of shelter, joining hundreds of thousands of
prior arrivals.
The
severity of these abuses led to declarations of "the gravest crimes under
international law" by the UN Fact-Finding Mission. The government of Bangladesh
has since commemorated August 25 as 'Rohingya Genocide Remembrance Day',
underscoring the internationally recognized nature of the atrocities that led
to the mass displacement. As of 2021, over 900,000 Rohingya remained in
Bangladesh's refugee camps, a testament to the scale of the forced
expulsion.
II. Life
in Limbo: The Unfolding Psychological and Legal Trauma
2.1. The
Camp Environment: Scale, Vulnerability, and Conditions
The
Rohingya crisis is currently contained within Bangladesh, where over one
million Rohingya reside in extremely dense camps in Cox's Bazar. These
communities face persistent environmental and infrastructural challenges.
Bangladesh is globally recognized as the ninth most climate-vulnerable country,
making the camps highly susceptible to natural hazards. Recent events,
such as Cyclone Remal in May 2024, have resulted in severe flooding, driving
humanitarian needs and testing the resilience of communities. These
environmental shifts contribute to displacement and migration, placing further
strain on the vulnerable population.
2.2.
Trauma as a Daily Reality: Prevalence and Perpetuation
The
overwhelming majority of refugees living in Cox’s Bazar camps—87%—have reported
experiencing at least one traumatic event. The prevalence of depressive
symptoms and PTSD remains alarmingly high. Health professionals recognize
that the trauma experiences of the Rohingya are ongoing and span pre-, during,
and post-migration periods, extending far beyond the initial escape from
persecution.
A
critical analysis of mental health outcomes demonstrates that current camp
conditions actively sustain psychological distress. Exposure to post-displacement
stressors—the daily realities of chronic hardship, lack of freedom, and
economic desperation—is strongly associated with an increased likelihood of
depressive symptoms, even when accounting for the severity of past
trauma. In contrast, the analysis found that living in a household that
received income was associated with a decreased likelihood of
PTSD. This finding profoundly changes the framework for response: the lack
of livelihood and chronic hardship acts as a continuous trauma perpetuator,
effectively maintaining high rates of psychological distress. Humanitarian
failure in providing adequate livelihood and security is, therefore, not merely
a logistical shortcoming but a direct public health driver of ongoing mental
illness.
Table 3:
Chronic Trauma and Post-Displacement Stressors Among Rohingya Refugees
|
Condition/Stressor |
Prevalence/Finding |
Implication for Mental Health Support |
|
Exposure
to Traumatic Events |
87%
reported experiencing at least one traumatic event |
Trauma
spans pre-, during, and post-migration periods |
|
Depressive
Symptoms |
High
prevalence |
Strongly
associated with post-displacement stressors (current living conditions) |
|
Association
with Income |
Living
in a household that received income decreased the likelihood of PTSD |
Income
and livelihood support are direct mental health interventions |
|
Nature
of Trauma |
Ongoing
and complex (systemic violence, sexual violence, forced displacement) |
Requires
holistic, trauma-informed interventions and specialized clinical staff |
2.3.
Structural Barriers to Healing: Mental Health and Psychosocial Support (MHPSS)
Despite
the profound mental health needs, the infrastructure for psychosocial support
is severely limited, compounded by significant structural barriers to accessing
care. The complex psychological consequences of systemic violence and
displacement necessitate trauma-informed interventions. To address the
crisis, service providers recommend scaling up specialized MHPSS capacity. This
includes increasing the number of clinical psychologists and psychiatrists
stationed at the camps, ensuring they are available daily rather than based on
a rotation. Furthermore, basic MHPSS training should be mandatory for all
humanitarian staff, regardless of sector, and programming must focus on
building capacity within the community itself.
2.4. The
Invisible Walls: Legal Disenfranchisement in Exile
The host
nation, Bangladesh, has demonstrated enormous solidarity in receiving the
Rohingya. However, its legal framework severely limits the rights and
agency of the refugees. Bangladesh is a dualist state and is not a signatory to
the 1951 Refugee Convention or its 1967 Protocol, despite being bound by
customary international law regarding non-refoulement.
This legal
gap translates into a "severe lack of legal status" for the majority
of the population. Because they lack formal refugee status, they are
systemically denied access to fundamental rights and services, including
education, employment, legal protection, and livelihood options. This
legal disenfranchisement, coupled with their core stateless status unaddressed
by Myanmar, exacerbates their vulnerability to human rights abuses and creates
a deep sense of "hopelessness and despair," particularly among the youth. This
approach, while preserving Bangladesh’s national sovereignty and maintaining
the pretense of temporariness required for eventual repatriation, functionally
mimics the consequences of statelessness. It locks the refugee population into
a state of indefinite administrative limbo, directly restricting their ability
to build resilience and contributing significantly to the psychological
stressors detailed above.
III. The
Crisis of Compassion: Humanitarian Funding Fatigue and Its Human Cost
3.1. Quantification
of Apathy: The Global Funding Crisis
The
humanitarian response in Cox’s Bazar is perpetually undermined by a
"persistent and serious lack of funding". Globally, the
situation reflects a "deadly confluence of factors"—rising
displacement, shrinking funding, and political apathy. For 2025, UNHCR’s
funding requirements were $10.6 billion; midway through the year, only 23% had
been met. This shortfall has forced $1.4 billion of essential programs
globally to be cut or put on hold, meaning up to 11.6 million displaced people
risk losing direct humanitarian assistance.
3.2. From
Ration Cuts to Malnutrition and Death
The
consequences of this global financial crisis have been immediate and
devastating for the Rohingya population. In 2023, faced with an unprecedented
funding crisis, the WFP was forced to reduce its food assistance from the full
entitlement (approximately $12.50) down to a meager $8 per person per
month, leaving refugees with only 25 cents to meet their daily food
needs.
The
health crisis that followed was predictable and rapid. By November 2023, the
Global Acute Malnutrition (GAM) rate among children surged to 15.1%,
a figure that exceeded the WHO emergency threshold and marked the highest rate
recorded since the 2017 displacement. While partial increases brought the
ration entitlement back up to $11 by mid-2025, the vulnerability of the entire
system to donor fluctuations means the risk of hunger and malnutrition
persists, placing severe strain on the population.
3.3.
Erosion of Future Hope: Protection Failures
The
financial disparity severely impacts every necessary service, including
healthcare, WASH, and protection measures. Education for some 230,000
children in the camps is critically "at risk of being
suspended" due to cuts. Globally, financial aid and the delivery of
emergency relief items have been cut by 60%.
This
funding fatigue is not merely a financial problem; it is a human protection
crisis. The $6.50 reduction in food assistance forces vulnerable families to adopt
high-risk coping strategies. This predictable outcome means that "school
dropouts, child labour and child marriage" will increase, and
"household conflicts will escalate, leading to a rise in intimate partner
violence". Furthermore, as families struggle to secure sufficient
food, criminal activity, including kidnappings for ransom, and the influence of
human traffickers and armed groups, are all predicted to worsen. The withdrawal
of financial support actively undermines the protective function of the camps
and directly contradicts humanitarian principles.
Table 2:
The Humanitarian Investment Deficit: Consequences of Funding Fatigue
|
Metric/Component |
2023/2025 Data Point |
Consequence/Impact |
|
UNHCR
Global Funding Met (2025 Mid-Year) |
Only
23% of requirements met |
$1.4
billion in essential global programs cut or put on hold |
|
WFP Food
Ration Entitlement |
Reduced
from ~$12.50 to $8 per person/month |
Immediate
spike in hunger, resulting in dangerous coping mechanisms |
|
Global
Acute Malnutrition (GAM) Rate |
Rose to
15.1% (Exceeding WHO emergency threshold) |
The
highest rate recorded since the 2017 displacement |
|
Education
Services Risk |
Education
for ~230,000 children at risk of suspension |
Erosion
of long-term stability and future human capital |
|
Indirect
Protection Risks |
Increased
vulnerability to trafficking, child labor, and child marriage |
Direct
result of unmet basic needs ($6.50 reduction) |
IV. The
Structural Impasse: Analyzing the Lack of Durable Solutions
4.1.
Catastrophe, Not Repatriation: Insecurity in Rakhine State
The
universally preferred solution for the Rohingya crisis is voluntary, safe,
dignified, and sustainable repatriation. However, experts agree that such
a return requires Myanmar to fully address the root causes of the crisis,
including verifiable guarantees of rights to security, citizenship, and
equality. Crucially, the current security and political conditions in
Rakhine State are "nowhere near ready for Rohingya to return safely,"
and attempts to push ahead with repatriation are warned to be
"catastrophic".
4.2. A
New Oppressor? The Role of the Arakan Army (AA)
The
security landscape in northern Rakhine State has been transformed since late
2023 by an offensive launched by the Arakan Army (AA), which now has effective
control over Myanmar’s entire border with Bangladesh. This power shift,
however, has failed to alleviate the persecution endured by the Rohingya. For
many refugees, the AA has merely replaced the Myanmar military as the primary
oppressor, with living conditions often feeling "painfully similar"
or even worse.
The
documentation of abuses under AA control reveals a disheartening replication of
systemic exclusion policies. Like the Myanmar military, AA members deny
Rohingya identity, referring to them only as Bengalis or Muslims, and stating:
"This is not your country". Rohingya communities face mandatory
forced labor, including carrying stones to checkpoints and cleaning up the
aftermath of fighting, with refusal resulting in severe beatings or threats of
expulsion. Furthermore, discriminatory restrictions are imposed, such as
mandatory fees for severely limited travel documents and bans on fishing or
other livelihood options, worsening the food crisis. This immediate
adoption of the military’s core policies by a non-state authority confirms that
anti-Rohingya systemic exclusion is deeply institutionalized within the
political and social fabric of Rakhine State, cementing the conclusion that a
safe return is highly improbable in the medium term.
4.3. The
Geopolitical Stranglehold
The
political and diplomatic solution to the Rohingya crisis remains stalled,
largely due to external geopolitical dynamics that protect the regime
responsible for the atrocities. China has played a crucial role in
providing diplomatic coverage for Myanmar, insisting on respecting its
sovereignty and opposing humanitarian and political intervention. This
position is strategically motivated. Beijing seeks to resist the establishment
of an international precedent for intervention, especially concerning the
oppression of ethnic and religious minorities, given its own policies in
Xinjiang. This diplomatic firewall ensures that the necessary conditions
for durable solutions, accountability, and citizenship rights will not be
forced upon Myanmar.
Regionally,
the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) adheres strictly to its
"Way," relying on dialogue and consultation while maintaining the
strict norm of non-interference in internal affairs, enshrined in the Treaty of
Amity and Cooperation. ASEAN lacks the legal mechanisms or the political
will to impose sanctions or expel Myanmar, effectively guaranteeing regional
impunity. Furthermore, key trading partners of Myanmar, including China,
Japan, and India, have refrained from imposing sanctions, further stabilizing
the regime. The collective diplomatic and economic inaction by these major
regional powers creates an impenetrable geopolitical lock-in, ensuring the
crisis remains stuck in the status quo.
4.4. The
Resettlement Safety Valve: Limited and Symbolic
In the
absence of clear pathways for repatriation, resettlement has continued for the
most vulnerable Rohingya refugees as a "complementary
pathway". The United States, for example, has committed to considering
referrals submitted by UNHCR as part of its global Refugee Admissions Program,
acknowledging the "genocide and crimes against humanity" suffered by
the population.
While
resettlement programs are essential for offering a safe route for highly vulnerable
individuals, the scope of these efforts remains limited and symbolic compared
to the overall population. The number of refugees resettled is far too small to
affect the overall population of over one million. UNHCR’s strategy
confirms that the primary, although currently unattainable, goal remains
voluntary repatriation.
V.
Conclusion and Recommendations: Breaking the Cycle of Perpetual Trauma
The
Rohingya crisis is defined by a manufactured statelessness that persists in
Myanmar, yet is functionally replicated in the host country by the denial of
basic rights. The result is a cycle of perpetual trauma, sustained by chronic
post-displacement stressors and exacerbated by donor fatigue. Breaking this
cycle requires a multi-pronged strategy addressing the humanitarian, legal, and
political dimensions simultaneously.
5.1.
Recommendations for Humanitarian Actors (Prioritizing Protection and Healing)
1. Immediate
Food Security Restoration: Humanitarian donors must immediately commit
to restoring and maintaining WFP food assistance at the full entitlement level
(at least $12.50 per person per month). This is necessary to prevent the
immediate humanitarian catastrophe of malnutrition and to reverse the
predictable escalation of protection failures, including trafficking, child
labor, and child marriage, driven by economic desperation.
2. MHPSS
Investment: Mental health and psychosocial support
(MHPSS) must be elevated to a core protection mechanism, recognizing that
current hardships perpetuate high rates of psychological distress. Investment
must prioritize the recruitment of specialized clinical staff and ensure that
livelihood programs are implemented, as data confirms that receiving income is
a significant protective factor against PTSD and despair.
5.2.
Recommendations for the Government of Bangladesh (Enhancing Legal Protection)
1. Formalize
Refugee Status: The Government of Bangladesh should move
toward ratifying the 1951 Refugee Convention and incorporating its essential
protections into domestic law. While resource constraints are
acknowledged, formalizing refugee status is crucial to provide the population
with legal identity, education, and access to livelihood opportunities necessary
for long-term stability and dignity.
2. Controlled
Livelihood Opportunities: Policy consideration should be given to
establishing pilot programs that allow controlled economic engagement.
Providing refugees with income opportunities is not just an economic measure
but a direct public health intervention against depression and
despair.
5.3.
Recommendations for the International Community (Accountability and Durable
Solutions)
1. Conditioned
Repatriation and Law Repeal: The international community must maintain and
intensify pressure on Myanmar, explicitly conditioning any repatriation efforts
on the verifiable repeal of the 1982 Citizenship Law and the establishment of
guarantees for security, equality, and citizenship rights. Accountability
for the genocide and the deliberate creation of statelessness must remain a
diplomatic imperative.
2. Challenge
Geopolitical Impunity: Major global powers must utilize diplomatic
and economic leverage to circumvent the non-interference norms used by China
and ASEAN to shield the regime. Pressure must be applied via trade and
investment to compel behavioral change in Naypyidaw, thereby breaking the
geopolitical lock-in that perpetuates the crisis.
3. Expand
Resettlement Quotas: Responsibility-sharing for this mass atrocity
crime must be demonstrated through the expansion of resettlement quotas far
beyond current symbolic numbers, offering a tangible pathway out of indefinite
limbo for a greater proportion of the most vulnerable
refugees.
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